Xiaoyun Qiang is a Senior Research Fellow and Director of the Department of Russian-Central Asian Studies at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies, having also formerly served as a Visiting Scholar at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Liu Jia is a master’s student in international politics at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies.

In response to the economic sanctions imposed by Western countries following the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia has accelerated its strategic pivot eastward, toward Asia. This shift presents an opportunity to transform and establish a new security architecture in the Eurasian region. Concurrently, the United States continues to reinforce its military alliances and assert dominance in the Asia-Pacific region. Against this backdrop, Russia formally proposed the concept of building a new Eurasian security architecture in 2024, with the aim of reshaping the security order in the region.

 

Contents of Russia’s New Eurasian Security Architecture

In 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin proposed a new security framework for the entire Eurasian continent, grounded in the principles of equality and indivisibility. This framework aims to transform the existing U.S.-led Euro-Atlantic security system into one that reflects a more balanced distribution of power, reducing American influence in the Eurasian region. Through this comprehensive security architecture, Russia seeks to reshape the security order in Eurasia, promoting peace and stability within the region.

 

First, in Russia’s conceived new Eurasian security order, equality and indivisibility are its cornerstones. The framework emphasizes consensus-based participation and decisionmaking, ensuring all member states, regardless of their geography, can jointly pursue regional security. This model encourages countries to achieve common goals through multilateral cooperation rather than relying on unilateral actions or confrontation. As a result, Russia seeks to create an inclusive security network and strengthen cohesion and synergy within the region.

The territorial extent of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a vital component of the new Eurasian Security Architecture. / Source: Guliver Image

Second, the new order introduces the concept of multidimensional security, which goes beyond traditional military issues. The new order broadly addresses “hybrid threats” such as information warfare, digital security, interference in internal processes, and the politicization of the economy and finance. This reflects the emphasis on non-traditional security threats and a deep understanding of the complexity of current international relations. By taking these factors into consideration, Russia hopes to enhance trust among member states, reduce potential points of conflict, and provide more effective tools for dealing with emerging challenges.

 

Third, as a key component of the new order, the principle of security indivisibility emphasizes that the security of each country is part of the overall security. Unlike the deficiencies of the Euro-Atlantic framework, the new Eurasian order pays special attention to the principle of sovereign equality advocated by the UN Charter. The new order strives to ensure that the interests of all member states are equally protected and to prevent any party’s security advantage from being based on the sacrifice of other countries. This is not only a summary of historical experience and lessons, but also an exploration of future international cooperation models.

 

To sum up, the new Eurasian security architecture proposed by Russia is a comprehensive strategic framework, which aims to respond to external pressure and internal challenges by strengthening intra-regional cooperation and seeking a new balance in the global geopolitical landscape. This order not only covers traditional military security, but also extends to economic, social, and environmental levels, reflecting a deep understanding of the complex security challenges inherent in current international relations. By establishing the principles of equality, cooperation, and inclusiveness, and focusing on multidimensional security, Russia strives to build a new regional security architecture based on equal dialogue and pragmatic cooperation.

 

Dual Factors in Russia’s New Eurasian Security Architecture

In an era of accelerating globalization and profound adjustments in the international political landscape, institutional competition and identity cognition—two critical factors in international relations—are closely intertwined. These elements significantly influence Russia’s efforts to construct a security order in the Eurasian region, profoundly impacting its strategic choices and the evolution of the regional security framework. An in-depth analysis of Russia’s new Eurasian security architecture, considering these dual factors, will facilitate a comprehensive understanding of the complex logic behind Russia’s security governance in the Eurasian region.

 

Factor 1: The manifestation of institutional competition in the security governance of Russia’s Eurasian region

 

In today’s complex and ever-changing international political landscape, institutional competition has become an important form of rivalry between countries in the field of global and regional governance. In the process of security governance in the Eurasian region, Russia has realized the profound significance of institutional construction and competition in safeguarding its own geopolitical interests. Faced with the strategic layout and institutional expansion of the United States and NATO in the Eurasian region, Russia has actively explored and promoted the establishment of a new Eurasian security architecture, in which institutional design and execution have become its core dimensions in this competition.

 

First, institutional design plays a role that cannot be ignored in the construction of the new Eurasian security architecture.

 

When Russia proposed a new Eurasian security architecture, it established the “non-zero-sum security” principle in the construction of a regional normative system, clearly stating that the security of any country should not come at the expense of other countries’ security. The proposal of this principle directly targets the zero-sum thinking and hegemonic behavior reflected in NATO’s expansion policy and the actions of the United States in establishing its dominance over the global governance structure after the Cold War and in ensuring European security. Putin emphasized that all potential participants should be committed to establishing dialogue relationships and that the new security architecture will be open to Eurasian countries and NATO member states, aiming to promote regional security cooperation and multilateral dialogue. Through such institutional design, Russia attempts to break the exclusive security model dominated by the West and build a more equitable and inclusive Eurasian security architecture. This concept not only helps to enhance Russia’s soft power and attractiveness in the Eurasian region but also weakens the influence of the United States and NATO at the institutional level, winning more ground for Russia in regional security governance.

 

Second, at the level of institutional implementation, Russia has demonstrated its active role in regional security governance by strengthening the dialogue process among multilateral organizations.

 

The new order adheres to the principle of “cooperation rather than confrontation“ and makes full use of existing multilateral organizations to facilitate cooperation while avoiding competition and conflicts, thereby maintaining regional stability. Russia is committed to building a more inclusive security and economic network centered on Asia, promoting security cooperation through economic collaboration, skillfully combining the advantages of different mechanisms, and establishing a broad Eurasian partnership. This stands in stark contrast to Western countries’ practices of forming exclusive military alliances in the region and aims to counteract U.S. and Western efforts to introduce bloc dynamics into Eurasia. Specifically, Russia’s new Eurasian security architecture seeks to reduce U.S. military presence in the region. To this end, Russia has strengthened security cooperation and military exchanges with other countries and has actively promoted its concept of indivisible security. This approach not only underscores the differences in the Asia-Pacific strategic layouts of Russia and the United States but also gradually accumulates advantages in institutional competition, consolidating Russia’s position in Eurasian security governance.

 

In short, through effective institutional design and implementation, Russia promotes cooperation rather than confrontation on multilateral platforms. These measures not only help Russia build a more equal and inclusive security environment in Eurasia but also establish a strong position in the international security order, securing its unique role.

 

Factor 2: The Role of Identity Cognition in Russia’s Security Governance in Eurasia

 

In the contemporary international relations landscape, Russia’s security governance practices in Eurasia hold far-reaching strategic significance and complex connotations. Among them, identity cognition—a deep-seated social and political psychological construct—permeates all aspects of Russia’s security governance in Eurasia, profoundly affecting its strategic decisionmaking, diplomatic interactions, and regional cooperation models. Cultural identity and national emotions, as important dimensions of identity cognition, provide key perspectives for understanding the internal logic and external manifestations of Russia’s security governance in Eurasia.

 

First, cultural identity plays an indispensable role in the construction of the new Eurasian security architecture.

 

Russia’s cultural identity is rooted in its long history, unique culture, and distinctive political background. These factors have collectively shaped Russia’s national characteristics and profoundly influenced the direction of its foreign policy. From a geopolitical perspective, the traditional European model often relies on identity and cultural differences to divide camps, leading to intensified intra-regional confrontations, an unstable security order, and restricted regional development. In contrast, Russia has introduced the concept of cooperative security, which aims to break down barriers based on culture and identity, encouraging countries to focus on common security interests to establish a more inclusive Eurasian security order. To implement this concept, Russia has strengthened cultural ties with Central Asia, Eastern Europe, and other Eurasian countries by emphasizing shared historical origins, language ties, and religious backgrounds. This fosters cultural closeness among countries in the region, promoting political trust, economic cooperation, and consolidation of security. Additionally, the new Eurasian security architecture emphasizes enhancing mutual understanding and cultural integration through educational exchanges, non-governmental interactions, and other channels. These measures help consolidate the foundation of regional security cooperation at a social and psychological level, steering Eurasia toward stable and mutually beneficial development.

 

Second, national emotions exert a unique influence on Russia’s security governance in Eurasia.

 

As American political scientist Dougles W. Blum points out, in the countries of post-Soviet Eurasia, the formation and dynamic evolution of national identity are key factors in understanding the development of politics, society, and foreign relations. For Russia, the Eurasian region is not only the core area of its national security and stability but also an important source of national pride and mission. Therefore, Russia’s national emotions are reflected in its pursuit of national sovereignty, dignity, and geopolitical influence in regional security governance. Faced with the influence of Western forces such as NATO, Russia struggles to achieve equal status and a meaningful voice within the broader European framework. The continued penetration of the West has further eroded Russia’s international influence. Against this backdrop, in building a new Eurasian security architecture, Russia is committed to maintaining its dominance and independence in regional security governance to ensure its status as a great power and safeguard its geopolitical interests. Specifically, Russia has demonstrated its leadership by strengthening the collective security system in Eurasia, coordinating security strategies among member states, and reducing the military presence of external powers in the region. This identity positioning, shaped by national emotions, has become a key driver for Russia to build domestic consensus, formulate foreign policies, and promote regional cooperation in Eurasian security governance.

 

In summation, the diversity and complexity of cultural identity prompt Russia to address the challenges posed by cultural differences and to explore new paths for security cooperation that transcend traditional confrontations while building a new Eurasian security architecture. At the same time, national emotions reinforce Russia’s subjectivity and sense of responsibility in regional security governance, prompting it to seek a balance between national interests and regional stability. In short, through proactive measures in institutional competition and an in-depth exploration of identity cognition, Russia has demonstrated its firm determination and diversified strategies to build a new Eurasian security architecture.

 

Impact on Eurasia

In 2024, Putin proposed the “New Eurasian Security Architecture” initiative, marking Russia’s strategic shift in security governance in the Eurasian region. The initiative not only reflects Russia’s new perspective on the regional security landscape but also underscores its goal of seeking greater influence in its global strategy.

 

Firstly, the new Eurasian security architecture proposed by Putin has enhanced Russia’s influence in the Eurasian region.

 

Putin has repeatedly proposed the establishment of a “new Eurasian security architecture,” demonstrating changes in Russia’s security outlook and regional strategy. In his State of the Nation address to the Federal Assembly at the end of February, a foreign affairs department meeting in June, and at the SCO summit in July 2024, Putin has consistently emphasized the importance of building an open and indivisible Eurasian security architecture for a multipolar world order. This shift indicates that Russia no longer focuses on rebuilding the traditional “European security architecture” but instead seeks to establish a new security cooperation framework with the countries of the Eurasian continent through the strategy of “turning eastward and advancing southward.” This structure strengthens Russia’s role as a regional security provider, promotes regional conflict management and economic cooperation, while demonstrating its commitment to international law and multilateralism. It highlights Russia’s important position in global affairs and enhances its strategic influence in the Eurasian region.

 

Secondly, the new Eurasian security architecture provides strong support for promoting the development of the Eurasian regional integration process in the security field.

 

By advocating regional cooperation and the coordinated development of multiple organizations, this structure integrates the resources and strengths of multilateral organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), fostering coordination and cooperation in the security field. The principles of equality, openness, and inclusiveness advocated by the new architecture provide a platform for equal participation for Eurasian countries, alleviate tensions caused by competition among major powers, and promote stability and balance in the region. By establishing a multilateral dialogue mechanism, the new structure has enhanced mutual trust and cooperation among countries in security governance and laid a solid foundation for the in-depth development of the Eurasian regional integration process in the security field.

 

Finally, this architecture provides a regional-level driving force for building a multipolar world order.

 

On the one hand, Russia promotes the construction of a new security architecture in Eurasia, aiming to dismantle the U.S.-centered world order. This move challenges the military, economic, and political influence of the United States in the Eurasian region, prompting the U.S. to re-examine its strategic layout in the region. It also provides a regional driving force for the construction of a global multipolar world order. On the other hand, Russia’s practice of integrating multiple institutional resources and coordinating differences in identity awareness within the security governance of the Eurasian region offers an alternative security governance path, distinct from the Western-led model and promotes the expansion of multipolar forces in the region. This balanced development has enhanced the region’s overall ability to respond to security challenges.

 

Future Prospects

In the dynamic evolution of the security landscape in Eurasia, the new Eurasian security architecture is facing numerous obstacles. These challenges have profoundly affected Russia’s efforts to promote and implement security governance in Eurasia at different levels. They are primarily reflected in the following three key dimensions.

 

Firstly, the new Eurasian security architecture faces significant geopolitical pressure and external competition during its implementation.

 

Amid NATO’s eastward expansion and the increasing influence of the United States in Eurasia, this architecture has, to a certain extent, challenged the Western-led security order. NATO’s military deployments and escalating military activities in Eastern Europe have intensified its confrontation with Russia in the realm of military security. Meanwhile, the EU, through economic cooperation and political influence, has weakened the centripetal force of certain Eurasian countries toward Russia. Following the beginning of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Western countries have sought to counter Russia through diplomatic pressure, military deployment, and economic sanctions, further complicating Russia’s geopolitical environment and increasing external competitive pressure. As a result, the proposal of this structure is likely to face significant opposition from Western countries—particularly the United States and NATO member states—who perceive it as an attempt to weaken the West’s influence in Eurasia and consolidate Russia’s dominance.

 

Secondly, Russia faces the challenge of coordinating multiple and often conflicting interests within the region in the process of promoting the new Eurasian security architecture.

 

The interests and priorities of countries in the Eurasian region vary significantly, with differing emphases on security, economic, and political issues. Some countries are pro-Russian and rely on Russia’s security guarantees, while others lean toward the West or pursue a pluralistic and balanced foreign policy, resulting in mixed responses to Russia’s security architecture proposals. Additionally, disparities in development levels among these countries complicate consensus-building on security cooperation, resource investment, and responsibility sharing—such as differences in military cooperation cost-sharing and the distribution of economic security benefits. Russia must integrate these diverse interests while respecting the sovereignty and priorities of all countries to construct an inclusive and highly functional security governance model. However, coordination remains extremely challenging. Some Eurasian countries harbor doubts about the new structure, fearing it may compromise their own security and interests. These nations exhibit differing attitudes toward security concerns, economic dependence, and internal divisions, making it difficult to establish a unified position.

 

Finally, in the process of advancing the new Eurasian security architecture, Russia must address both internal and external security challenges and achieve a delicate balance.

 

Internally, Russia faces threats such as terrorism, extremism, and separatism; externally, it must navigate pressures related to compliance with international legal norms, competition for energy resources, and the global technological race. Additionally, multilateral organizations relevant to Russia, such as the EAEU and the CSTO, exhibit certain institutional and operational shortcomings. For instance, EAEU member states are overly dependent on Russia economically, while CSTO member states have divergent political positions and conflicting interests. These organizations reveal clear deficiencies in decisionmaking processes, resource allocation, and operational efficiency. This series of challenges not only tests Russia’s diplomatic acumen and strategic determination but also has a profound impact on the effectiveness of its security governance in the Eurasian region. To ensure the smooth advancement of the new architecture, Russia needs to actively seek broader international cooperation in addressing these challenges.

 

In summary, Russia’s new Eurasian security architecture not only reflects Moscow’s strategic approach to institutional competition and identity formation but also introduces new concepts for security governance in the Eurasian region. Although this initiative faces considerable resistance from Western countries, its significance in promoting regional cooperation and stability cannot be overlooked. Moving forward, balancing the interests of all parties and facilitating the implementation of this security architecture will be a critical issue for governance in Eurasia and beyond.

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